The previous parts of this concept described the state as an instrument of discipline, meritocracy, and long-term planning. The fourth part goes beyond national policy and poses a much more ambitious question: what should humanity do if the resource constraints of the planet truly become the main framework of the 21st century?
The answer of 'Singaporean Stalinism' is radical: do not divide the deficit, but expand the very resource base of civilization. Do not limit humanity to the constraints of the planet, but transform technological expansion into the main goal of the state.
IX. The Trap of the Club of Rome
In 1972, the Club of Rome published a report 'Limits to Growth', the authors of which used computer modeling to show the risks of infinite demographic and economic growth on a planet with limited resources.
Half a century later, the very formulation of the problem remains relevant. The population is growing, resources are unevenly distributed, the energy transition requires a tremendous amount of metals, and competition for water, land, and technology is intensifying.
From this, two fundamentally different responses arise.
The first — manage the deficit. Consume less, regulate resources more strictly, control emissions, demographics, and societal behavior.
This logic is often interpreted by critics of the global order as a move towards a new technocratic feudalism: resources become more expensive, access to them more controlled, and digital technologies allow states and corporations to regulate human behavior with increasing precision.
The second response is significantly more complex: do not shrink the pie, but increase it.
One Civilization Instead of Many Resource Wars
In this logic, the concept of 'One planet — one people' does not mean a world without states, borders, or cultures.
It rather concerns a civilizational level of coordination.
If humanity truly faces problems of planetary scale — resource scarcity, technological risks, space threats, climate change, or the future of artificial intelligence — then endless competition among hundreds of states may prove too costly.
The idea of global synthesis implies the preservation of national states but the creation of a common strategic framework above them for the tasks that no single country can solve by itself.
Not globalism of open borders, but a sort of hyper-corporation of humanity: shared science, large infrastructure projects, resource coordination, and concentration of intellect where the future of the entire species depends.
This sounds utopian. But the space program of the USA in the 1960s also sounded utopian — until political will, money, and engineering talent were gathered in one direction.
X. Macroeconomics of Space
If the resource base of Earth truly has limits, the most logical long-term solution becomes going beyond them.
In this model, space ceases to be romance and transforms into an economy.
The Moon as the First Industrial Node
The first major platform could be the Moon.
Its role is not only scientific missions. In the long term, it could be used as a base for resource extraction, testing industrial technologies, assembling orbital constructions, and preparing for further expeditions.
Helium-3 is often called a potential resource for future thermonuclear energy, although its practical use remains technologically distant. Much more realistic at the first stage could be water, oxygen, metals, and the use of local materials for construction.
The next horizon — asteroids.
Some of them contain huge concentrations of nickel, iron, cobalt, and platinum group metals. If the cost of space logistics significantly decreases, extracting such resources will cease to be a fantasy and will become a question of economic feasibility.
Why Democracies Find It Hard to Plan for a Hundred Years
The strongest argument of supporters of a centralized model is not that democracies are incapable of technological breakthroughs. History proves the opposite.
The problem lies in the time horizon.
Space infrastructure, thermonuclear energy, new transport systems, or fundamental science may require decades of investment before commercial results appear.
Politicians are re-elected every few years.
Therefore, successful long-term programs require institutions capable of surviving governments. Not necessarily dictatorships — but states where strategic projects are not rewritten after each election.
In this sense, the main advantage of 'Singaporean Stalinism' lies not in rigidity, but in the planning horizon.
Space rewards those who can think in generations.
XI. Why Does the State Need Spirit?
However, sheer efficiency has a dangerous drawback.
A state that perfectly optimizes production, education, transportation, and citizen behavior may turn out to be comfortable — and at the same time inhumane.
If a person is regarded only as a unit of productivity, society easily becomes a well-managed digital mechanism.
Therefore, the fourth part of the concept adds what was lacking in the previous ones: a metaphysical limiter of state power.
A Person Is Not Reduced to KPI
The idea of God here acts not as a mandatory confessional doctrine, but as an acknowledgment that there are moral principles above the state that it has no right to rewrite.
If a person has value only because the state considers them useful, then the state will sooner or later define those it deems unnecessary.
That is why the spiritual framework can serve as a safeguard.
A person is not a resource. They are not a function of the economy. Their dignity should not depend on productivity, intellect, or social status.
This is a fundamentally important amendment to the entire model.
Faith Without Theocracy
Religion in such a system remains a personal choice.
A citizen may believe in God, belong to a church, or remain outside any confession. The state should not define the correct form of faith, and religious institutions should not dictate economic or technological policy.
However, society needs a moral vertical that reminds: not everything that is technically possible is morally acceptable.
This will become especially important in a world of artificial intelligence, genetic editing, autonomous weapons, and digital control.
Space State
In its final form, 'Singaporean Stalinism' ceases to be just a model of state management.
It transforms into a civilizational project.
Meritocracy provides the personnel. State capitalism — the resources. Education — the intellect. Social discipline — internal stability. And space expansion provides a long-term goal capable of justifying the concentration of efforts of several generations.
This is where the concept becomes both most appealing and most dangerous.
Great goals can mobilize societies. But they can also justify excessive power.
Therefore, the true challenge for the future state will not be the ability to build a rocket.
But the ability to do this without turning a person into fuel for it.